INTRODUCTION
I
PHONETIC DESCRIPTION
OF SCOTTISH LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS.1
§1. The area of Scottish speech with which the National Dictionary deals comprises (1) the Lowlands of Scotland, (2) Orkney and Shetland, where it has superseded the Norn language within the last 350 years, and (3) parts of Ulster, especially Antrim, Down and Derry, to which, since c.1606, it has been extended by the immigration of Scottish settlers.
Southern Boundary of Scottish Speech.
§ 2. The political boundary between Scotland and England was fixed
by Alexander II. and Henry III. before the middle of the 13th cent., and has
continued with little alteration up to the present day. It starts from a point
on the east coast 3 miles nnw. of Berwick town, follows the line of the
Liberties of Berwick to the Tweed, which then constitutes the boundary line to
the point where the three counties of Nhb.2 Rxb. and Bwk. meet; it then proceeds s. by e., but near Cheviot Hill it strikes sw. to Larriston Hill; it descends Kershope burn to the Liddel Water, which it follows to its junction with the Esk; leaving the Esk at Scotsdyke it moves due west till it reaches the little river Sark, which it follows to the Solway.
§ 3. As the dialects on both sides of the Border are sprung from the same source we should expect to find them possessing many phonetic features in common, along with others more or less divergent. The latter are, in most cases, the results of the development of the same sounds in different directions owing to varying physical, geographical, social and political conditions.
§ 4. The modern dialects of Germanic origin in Great Britain are generally divided into four great groups. The first is spoken in the Lowlands of Scotland, the second in Northern England, the third in the English Midlands and the fourth in Southern England. They may be distinguished by a very simple vowel test which consists in tracing in each group the development of O.E. ŭ and O.E. ū as in the O.E. words cŭman (to come) and dūn (down). O.E. ŭ was pronounced as in Mod.Eng. full, O.E. ū as in Mod.Eng. too. In Scots the two words are pronounced cum doon [k&turnv;m dun], in n.Eng. coom doon [kum dun], in the Midlands coom down [kum daun] and in southern Eng. cum down [k&turnv;m daun]. Map 1 gives a rough idea of these divisions; but it must be borne in mind that very often there is a gradual change from one district to another in course of which more than one pronunciation may be heard. The southern limit of the pronunciation of “down” as “doon” is marked in the map by a line which moves in a south-easterly direction from the mouth of the s.Esk (17 miles sse. of Whitehaven), entering Lincoln 3 miles n. of Gainsborough, and terminating on the Humber 3 miles nw. of Great Grin sby. Western Yks., with its great industrial towns, Leeds, Bradford, Huddersfield, etc., has lost this “doon” pronunciation, a result due to the enormous influx of population from other districts. The “cum” line starts at the mouth of the n.Esk in n.Cum., crosses Cum., and skirting the foot of the Cheviots reaches the east coast at Bamburgh (12 miles n. of Alnwick). On the Cumberland side the division between “cum” and “coom” is clearly marked, but in Nhb., although “cum” only is heard n. of the line, both “cum” and “coom” can be heard in different localities south of the “cum” line as far as Ryhope (3 miles sse. Sunderland). The line to the south of which only “coom” is heard stretches from Ryhope through Dur. to Alstone on the e. border of Nhb. Scottish speech as a whole, then, differs from the n.Eng. dialects in the development of O.E. ŭ into [&turnv;] and agrees with the eastern half of the n.Eng. dialects in retaining O.E. ū. If we were to follow in like manner the history of the other O.E. vowels ix in the Sc. and n.Eng. border dialects we should find similar agreements and differences, the latter, however, predominating so as to constitute on each side a separate dialect type.
1 References in the Introduction marked § followed by a number indicate paragraphs of this Introduction, I.
2 For this and other abbreviations used, see pp. xlix-lii.
INTRODUCTION
§ 5. A glance at the consonantal distinctions will bring us to the same conclusion as in the case of the vowels. Ch [ = x] as in loch has disappeared all over the n.Eng. area, except in a small portion of n.Cum., of which the southern limit is a line stretching from Bewcastle to Longtown and Gretna. See E.E.P., V., pp. 684-694. As soon as we get south of Carlisle “h” as in Scots “hoo” begins to disappear, and “wh” as in Eng. “why” begins to change into “w” — e.g. at Lorton (4 miles w. of Cockermouth) in 1913 they were no longer heard (Brilioth's Grammar and Dial. of Lorton, p. 5); at Kendal, east of Lake Windermere, “h” was still in use in 1905, but “wh” [&turnw;] was fainter than in Scotland (Hirst's Grammar and Dial. of Kendal, p. 13); on the eastern side “wh” and “h” still survive within Nhb., so that any Scotsman journeying southward finds the Northumbrian speech not unlike his own. Northumbrian, however, has a dialectal “r,” often called the burr (voiced back fricative consonant with inner or outer rounding), a sound which exists in Scotland only as an individual peculiarity. One other important n.Eng. consonantal feature, unknown in Scotland, may be mentioned — i.e. the pronunciation of “the” as “t'.” The line of division between “the” and “t,” in the north runs from Moricambe Bay (13 miles w. of Carlisle) to Ryhope (3 miles sse. of Sunderland, see Map 1). As an example of this peculiarity, combined with the use of O.E. ū, we would cite the following quotation from the Trans. Yorks. Dial. Soc. (1906), p. 16. “Ah's boon ta prune t'awd peearthree i' t' front o' t' hoose” — “I am bound to prune the old pear-tree in the front of the house” (Dialect of n. and e.Riding, Yks.).
§ 5.1. Sir James Murray assigns the greater part of the valley of the Esk and the whole of Liddesdale to n.Eng. See Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland, p. 25, footnote, and map. Dr Ellis, however, showed (E.E.P., V., pp. 716-723) that Liddesdale, like Teviotdale, was Scots in its main features, and recent investigation by the Scottish Dialects Committee has justified the same conclusion for the Esk valley. Further, Dr Ellis proved that Sc. phonetic features (e.g. use of [x]) extended beyond the political border on the west to a line running from Bewcastle to Longtown and Gretna. See E.E.P., V., pp. 684-694. Since Ellis's time (d.1890), religious and secular education directed from the south, modern means of locomotion and the movement of the population during the Great War have all helped to render this line less distinct, and have made the district between Carlisle and the Scottish Border a veritable linguistic Debatable Land. For all practical purposes the political and linguistic boundaries may be considered to coincide.
§ 5.2. A recent investigator1 writes to say that, so far as his own researches and those of his students go, Ellis's information about Nhb. dialect is in the main still true. He makes the following qualifications: “The Northumberland sound in coom is, to my mind, libk.l.r. considerably under rounded, lowered and advanced [i.e. a sound approaching u of Eng. cut, but not identical with it]. After the burr [&turnscr;] it is h.bk.l.r. In Nhb. O.E. ū persists as a monophthong medially, but finally it has become ow [&schwa;u] m.fl.l.+h.bk.t.r.” Cf. s.sc. § 101. In regard to the consonants he says “ch” [x], Sc. loch, has not been heard; “wh” [&turnw;] is still heard in stressed words, but often “w” in weakly accented words; “rd,” “rt,” “rl,” “rn”become inverted “d,” “t,” “l,” “n,” with the tongue well behind the upper teeth.
Western Boundary.
§ 6. For many generations the boundary between Lowland and Highland speech in Scotland appears to have been approximately what was laid down roughly on the map during the troubled times of the 18th cent. as the “Highland line.” This line runs from the Firth of Clyde along the foothills of Perthshire, crosses the Grampians near Ballater, and turning nw. reaches the Moray Firth a little to the west of Nairn. It is still in general conception the division between Lowlands and Highlands; and until the latter part of the 19th cent. it was still possible to regard it as a linguistic boundary between Scots and Gaelic. The whole of the country to the w. of that line could then be regarded as Gaelic-speaking, with some important exceptions — namely, the town of Inverness, which had long been English-speaking, the Scots-speaking portions of the Black Isle, of Easter Ross and of Caithness, and certain urban communities, like Campbeltown and Rothesay. See Map 2.
§ 7. This line, then, marks, for practical purposes, the western limit of Lowland speech. But during the last few decades many factors have been at work tending to obliterate it as a linguistic boundary. The three most important of these factors have been: the rapid decline of the Gaelic language; movement of population; general education — the latter bringing
1 Mr H. Orton, B.Litt., M.A.(Oxon.), Lecturer in English, Armstrong Tollege, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
PHONETIC DESCRIPTION OF SCOTTISH LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
with it what has been termed “school English.” The Gaelic language has lost ground so rapidly that its effective eastern boundary would now lie much to the west of the old line, its place being taken for the most part by St.Eng.; on the other hand Lowland Sc. still reaches the line. Indeed, at some points (Campbeltown, Grantown) the nearest Sc. dialect may be said to have crossed the line and invaded Gaelic territory; while a yet more noticeable invasion, of a phonologic order, has been the spread in the Western Highlands of the tone system of sw.Sc. (Glasgow).
§ 8. Any Scots-Gaelic border line drawn on the map to-day must be regarded not only as a generalisation, but as considerably more of a generalisation than the corresponding line which it was possible to draw as recently as forty-five years ago. Two important criteria were formerly available for determining whether a district was Highland or Lowland in tongue. The first of these was the language, Gaelic or English, used in church. Particulars upon this point contained in the Statistical Accounts throw not a little light upon the linguistic situation in various parishes along the Highland border at the end of the 18th and in the early 19th centuries; and until the first decade of the 2oth cent. the language used in church was a true index of the linguistic affinity of a district. The decline in church attendance has since deprived this criterion of its value. There remains another, the Census figures of Gaelic speakers, available in totals and percentages for each parish. These form an interesting record so far as they go, but they require to be handled with caution if a true picture of the state of the language is aimed at; because, while the Census figures may give the number of people in a parish who can converse in Gaelic, it is certain that any qualitative test applied over the border area would show that much of the language represented by these figures is deficient in vocabulary and faulty in form, the decline in the number of Gaelic speakers between one Census enumeration and another being accompanied by a loss of quality probably equal to the loss of quantity. The Census figures, none the less, represent a definite claim on the part of individuals to an ability to speak Gaelic, and have their statistical value as such.
§ 9. The first mapping of a Highland-Lowland linguistic boundary was Sir James Murray's, described in his Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland (1873). Murray's line is stated to be based upon information received from clergymen and others, and it possesses permanent value as a record because the data available at that time justified the drawing of a more definite line than is now possible. His line “passes along the east coast of Arran, cuts off the north of Bute, passes behind Dunoon to Loch Long, enters Dumbarton at Gorton, hence through Glen Douglas to Loch Lomond; it enters Stirling north of Rowardennan, crosses to Aberfoyle and to Callander, passes through Glenartney to Comrie, crosses Glenalmond south of Amulree, follows Strath Braan through Birnam Wood to Dunkeld. It enters Aberdeenshire by Mount Blair, passes to a point four miles east of Braemar, and hence on to two miles east of Crathie and Balmoral. It then proceeds north-north-west to go to Strathdon, where it turns north-west and enters Banff six miles north-east of Tomintoul. It skirts the Livet on the west to the boundary of Elgin. It crosses the Spey two miles south of Inveravon, traverses the Knock of Brae Moray, and hence north-west to Nairn, crossing the Findhorn at right angles and going on to Ardclach, and hence to the Moray Firth, three miles west of Nairn. It crosses the Firth to Cromarty, dips again into the sea, to emerge at Clyth Ness, Caithness. It proceeds overland to Harpsdale, through Halkirk to the river Forss, which it follows to the sea. . . .” See Introduction to A. Warrack's A Scots Dialect Dictionary (Chambers, 1911).
Scottish Limit on the West.
§ 10. The revision of this line for the Scottish National Dictionary is based (1) on the Census Returns for the parishes on Murray's line, and to the west of it, and (2) on the reports from these localities sent in by school teachers who have been good enough to answer the following questions:
(a) Has English or Lowland Scots taken the place of Gaelic?
(b) If Scots, which dialect?
(c) Is Gaelic the speech of the school playground?
(d) Is Gaelic a medium for school instruction in the infant room?
The course of this revised line, as will be seen, takes it along the south of Argyllsh. in such fashion as to keep the urban communities on the coast of the Firth of Clyde within the Lowland
INTRODUCTION
area; it crosses Loch Lomond near Rowardennan, and passes by Aberfoyle, Callander, Comrie, Dunkeld, Braemar, Tomintoul and Grantown to Fort George; it takes in the eastern part of the Black Isle (Avoch to Cromarty), parts of Easter Ross, and about half the county of Cai., running from Bruan near Clyth Ness to Crosskirk on the Forss. This line represents the western limit of Sc. speech at the present time. While it is a fair statement of the circumstances of the case, it will be understood that such a boundary has in actuality none of the sharpness it has on a map. Moreover, in any true view it can no longer be treated as a border between Sc. and Gaelic, but should rather be regarded as the border between Sc. and Gaelic or the Eng1 which has replaced Gaelic.
§ 11. It is reasonable to believe that the boundary which for so long separated Lowland Sc. s from Gaelic, and which, as said, is now in process of obliteration, derived part of its former definiteness from the contrasting characters of the two tongues. The two languages are not only distant from each other in the relationship which comparative philology assigns to them, but theyy differ remarkably from each other when regarded simply as vehicles of expression. The contrast between them in word order, in idiom and in phonology is very great. Hence the interaction between the two languages has been relatively slight. The interchange of vocabulary, while considerable in both directions, has been moderate if we consider the closeness of contact. All Gaelic speakers along the Highland border are now bilingual; but bilingualism is rare with native speakers of Scots.2
The Term “Scottish Language”
§ 12. The term “Scottish Language” includes (1) Older Scots, represented in its two main literary phases by Barbour and the “Makars”; (2) the modern literary dialect, emerging about the beginning of the 18th cent.; (3) the modern Scottish regional dialects.
Middle Scots and its Literature.
§ 13. Between the end of the 14th and the beginm ng of the 17th cent. the Scottish Language underwent many phonetic changes which were only partially and imperfectly indicated in the literature of the time. In this literature we find grammatical peculiarities and mannerisms of expression which are wanting in The Brus and in the modern dialects. We find in it also a large number of words either coined or borrowed from Latin and French which have not survived in our modern speech. The avowed object of most of the writers who introduced or adapted these foreign words was to enrich the vocabulary. To the learned, familiar with Latin and French, their meaning was quite plain, but to the average man the expression must have seemed strained or the meaning obscure. The verse literature of this time reached a high degree of excellence, but prose composition was still comparatively undeveloped when, at the Union of the Crowns in 1603, the literary centre shifted from Edinburgh to London. Throughout the 17th cent. the people, high and low, were absorbed in religious and political controversy, and in place of the old poetic literature, so v arious and copious in the major as well as the minor traditional verse-forms, we have only a few lyrics and semi-lyrical pieces, such as Sempill's Habbie Simson, and others included in the early 18th-cent. collections. These were all of a popular cast, but the known authors belonged to the higher rather than the lower classes, a thing to remember when we come to consider the origin of the modern literary dialect. The simpler style, however, had never been entirely lost in the age of artificial Scots. Henryson's Fables and Robin and Makyne, Dunbar's Lament for the Makaris, The Petition of the Gray Horse, The Turnament, etc., the anonymous pieces entitled Peblis to the Play and Christis Kirk on the Green (assigned popularly to royal authorship) are all evidence of its existence alongside of the artificial language of Douglas in his Eneid and of Dunbar in The Thrissill and the Rois., Ane Ballat of Our Lady and Goldyn Targe.
1often interspersed with Scots and Gaelic words and idioms.
2We are indebted to the following correspondents for help in determining this Scottish line: Mr William Alexander, Aberdeen, for collating the results; Mr R. Barron, H.M.I.S., Dornoch, for information regarding the condition of Gaelic in the schools in the north of Scotland; Mr W. G. Fraser, H.M.I.S., Kilmacolm; Mr A. Millar, H.M.I.S., Crieff; Mr G. Watson, H.M.I.S., Strathpeffer, for information respecting their special districts, and to Mr D. McIntosh, Ardersier; Mr T. Hunter, Grantown-on-Spey; Mr J. Scott, Nethybridge; Mr E. Roberts, Kingussie; Mr W. A. Fraser, Tomintoul; Miss Farquharson, Ballintuim; Mr A. McLeab, Ballibluig; Mr Downie, Campbeltown, who speak for their own schools. Mr McInnes, Campbeltown; the Rev. W. S. Allan, Callander; Mr Mackay, Shebster, and the Rev. D. Beaton, Wick, have also helped us with details about the boundary line.
PHONETIC DESCRIPTION OF SCOTTISH LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
Decline of Scottish Literature.
§ 14. Before he became King of England, James VI. of Scotland wrote several treatises in his native speech. After the Union of the Crowns the language of his literary efforts was that of his English subjects. His example was followed by other Scottish writers, like Alexander, Earl of Stirling, and Drummond of Hawthornden, so that when the Union of the Parliaments took place, in 1707, English had become the recognised medium of expression for Scottish authors — at least in all subjects of serious import. The gradual change from Scots to English may be traced in our municipal records. The following excerpts from the Aberdeen Burgh Registers illustrate the first and final stages of the process of change:
31st January 1643. Janet Rany, spous to Sergant M‘Gregor, wes convict and put in amerciament for draging doun among hir feit Issobell Walker be the hair, and for etling to strik the said Issobell with ane brasin pan, ffor the quhilk the said Janet Rany was ordanit to crawe God and the pairtie offendit pardon befoir the magistrats, and to be comitet in waird within the wairdhous of the said burgh, thair to remain for the space of tuentie-four hours, or than to releive hir thairfra be payment of tua merkis money to the dean of gild.
24th March 1747. The said day, the magistrates and councill. . . considering that there is presently in agitation an union of the Kings and Marischal Colleges of Aberdeen, sett on foot by the principalls, professors, and masters of the tuo colleges; and the councill considering the great interest and concern this town has in the said Marischall College, they are of opinion that previous to settling any articles, that the town do make a point of it to have the seat of the University in this town, otherways to oppose such an union with the utmost vigour.
§ 15. The predominance of English in the sphere of letters had its parallel also in the spoken language. First the nobles and then the lower gentry began to send their children to be educated in England. The older Scottish literature had not been able to produce a Scottish Bible, and in consequence the humblest Scot was accustomed to hear English used in Church services, first in readings from the Bible, and later on in the prayers and exhortations of his pastor. Inevitably he came to regard it as the most suitable medium for religious expression. In the consciousness of the average Scotsman the feeling arose that his national speech was inferior to English, and he was apt to modify it in the direction of Eng. or substitute for it the best English he could muster in addressing a superior or a stranger, or in touching upon elevated subjects of discourse. By the end of the 18th century English had supplanted Scots in fashionable circles, in the pulpit, the school, the University, the Law Courts and on the public platform.
Allan Ramsay and Revival of Scottish Literature.
§ 16. The political reaction against that Anglicising tendency which culminated in the Union of 1707 was coincident with a great revival of interest in our older Scottish literature, associated chiefly with the name of Allan Ramsay. Ramsay was born in 1686, at Leadhills in Lanarkshire, where he remained till his fifteenth year. The rest of his life was spent in Edinburgh. His local dialect would differ only very slightly from that of Edinburgh, so that the Scots he used may be taken as typical of Central Scots, and may be regarded as the popular and legitimate descendant of the old Anglian speech of the early Scottish kings. Four writers of genius who followed Ramsay — viz. Fergusson, Burns, Scott and Galt — all used the same dialect of Scots, and the great majority of Scottish writers have followed their example, and so have created our modern conventional literary language.
§ 17. Though the vernacular on which this literary dialect was founded had lost status as the standard speech for the highest purposes, it was still in a sense the national tongue. In the beginning of the 18th century all classes spoke Scots, even although the educated upper sections of society had begun to write and speak English. All over Scotland a great body of song and balladry, of satiric and romantic tales, and of proverbial wisdom was lodged in the memory of the people. The heroic stories of Bruce and Wallace were better known then than they are at the present time, even if the actual lines from Barbour and Blind Harry were not recited as in former centuries. Diligent collectors of the 18th and 19th centuries, such as Percy in England and Scotland, Scott and his followers in the South of Scotland and Buchan in the North, gathered enough of this ancient store of legendary song and ballad to show what its extent must have been before the art of memorising had declined. This widespread knowledge of ancient song, ballad and story ensured a comparatively copious vocabulary in the popular speech. Although the “termis aureate” of the old literary dialect found no place in it. the language of the people incorporated a considerable number of words from Anglo-French, from Latin and from continental French. The last-named came in later than
INTRODUCTION
Anglo-French from the intercourse between the French and Scottish Courts in the 15th and 16th centuries, and from the commercial relations between Continental ports and towns like Aberdeen, Leith and Kirkcudbright. The words from these three sources mostly, but not exclusively, indicate things and ideas that relate to the common life of the ordinary folk rather than to that of the literary lite or fashionable circles.
§ 17.1. Examples from Mod.Sc. — antrin, appleringie, aumrie, backet (a trough), canaillie (riff-raff), corbie (crow), cordiner (shoemaker), dambrod, devall, douce, dour, fasch (trouble), fugie (play truant), gardies (arms), geen (wild cherry), grosset (gooseberry), guttam (a drop of ink), goutte (drop), liege-pousté (free exercise of one’s powers), lingle (shoemaker's thread), maugre (in spite of), melishan (malison), mingie (a crowd), mortersheen (glanders in horses), moyen (means), palmie and pandie (stroke on hand), poper (the boy who swept out the school and lit the fire), potestatur (height of one's powers), spulzie (booty), trevis (partition in byre), vacance (holiday), vivers (provisions).
§ 18. As a literary medium the language has been for a long time practically confined to the production of lyrical poems (song and ballad), satirical and descriptive poetry, the dialogue in novel or play, and the short humorous story. Even here the vernacular often gives way when the thought becomes more serious or elevated. In The Cotter's Saturday Night, for example, of the twenty-one stanzas of the poem only nine can be regarded as Scots — viz. those devoted to the description of the humble home and its occupants — and even in these latter, English often predominates. In stanza xii. the last five lines change into English when the father turns to family worship. So also in stanza xviii. the description of the conclusion of the evening is in stately English, to match the serious attitude of the “parent-pair.”
§ 18.1. It cannot be denied that skilful writers have used this bilingual consciousness to produce some considerable artistic effects, but the net result of this process of Anglicisation is that a great deal of our prose and verse seems to differ very little from St.Eng., except in the occasional use of a distinctively Scottish word or phrase, and the clipping of words of their final consonant with the apology of an apostrophe. This spurious Scots is very popular with English readers and on the English stage, because it is easily understood. It is sometimes forced on reluctant authors by publishers, who naturally desire a wider circulation for their books. Many Scots writers pander to it because it saves them the trouble of searching for the appropriate Scottish rhyme, word or phrase. Except in the case of rhymes, the Scotsman who speaks any Scottish dialect will probably read such Scots with his own local pronunciation. The effect, however, of seeing the English words and spellings is to tend to change our Scottish speech into a bastard English, a very good example of which may be seen in the autobiographical parts of Mansie Wauch.
§ 19. This deplorable result is due in some measure to the chaotic state of Scottish spelling. In Older Sc. most words could be spelled in a variety of ways. As an example of this one might cite the word “abune,” for which in Older Sc. we find abone, abune, abon, abonne, aboyn(e), aboin, abun, abwn, abwne. The same writer may even spell the same word differently on the same page. In the case of most vowels in Older Sc. the best that can be said is that one r way was rather more commonly used than the others — e.g. “ei” was the most common way of writing the “ay” [e] sound which later became “ee” [i] as meit, deid, scheip, for meet, dead, sheep, and “ou” the most common way of writing the “oo” [u] sound as in house, mouse, and “ow” the most common way of writing the diphthong in lowe (a flame), gowk (a cuckoo). Very often in Older Sc. the exact sound intended can be reached only by comparison with the word in the older forms of n.English and in the Mod.Sc. dialects or by a reference to its record in cognate languages.
§ 20. Early writers of the 18th cent. Renaissance did very little to normalise Scottish spelling. To take the case of Allan Ramsay, he discarded the Older Sc. spellings of sch and quh for sh and wh as in scheip, schake, quha; v, u, w, which were used indifferently by writers in Middle Sc., he used as in Mod.Eng., and all these changes were simplifications. He used gh as often as ch for [&crtail;] and [x] in words like micht, thocht — i.e. might, thought — thereby suggesting an Eng. pronunciation. In the pa.p. of weak verbs written correctly with yt or it in Middle Sc. he used the English ending d or ed. For the O.Sc. terminations and of the pr.p. and ing, yng of the gerund he writes an or in, but also ing after the Mod.Eng. usage, whereas, except in three dialects in Mod.Sc., these two terminations are now pronounced alike [m] or [&schwa;n]. Words which generally have an ee [i] P ronunciation in Sc. he writes with ei, ie, ey, a + cons. + e (all Older Sc.), ea and ee — e.g. deid — dead, dee — die, threed — thread, ee — eye,
PHONETIC DESCRIPTION OF SCOTTISH LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
bleeze — blaze, meer — mare; i.e. he uses Older Sc. and Mod.Eng. spellings with very little consistency or method. The oo sound he represents generally in the Middle Sc. way — i.e. by ou, sometimes by ow, in the latter case generally suggesting an Eng. pronunciation as in sow (pig), cow, now, how, crowd, flow'r. The sound ui [y or ø], which in his time was probably still a rounded front vowel, he treats with the same inconsistency, the Eng. spelling of the word being the most common, broom, poor, goose, etc., although ui and u +cons. +e are also found, as bluid, guid, gude, schule. See Wilson's Dialects of Central Scotland, pp. 194-203.
§ 21. Fergusson, Burns and Scott all followed Ramsay's example, mingling Older Sc. spellings with Mod.Eng. spellings in the delineation of their common dialect, thus helping to obscure the real differences in pronunciation between it and St.Eng. The pronunciation can be best shown by means of a phonetic transcription which, though anathema to the average reader, is of great value to scholars. A form of simplified spelling was adopted by the late Sir James Wilson in which he used the ordinary letters of our alphabet but confined himself to one way, or in a few cases to two ways, of indicating ev ery sound — e.g. the vowel sound in Eng. lea is always written, by this system, ee, and the vowel in Eng. fade by ai, or, if final, ay. Sir James has rewritten in this simplified spelling a number of well-known Scottish songs and poems, and has thus been able to represent to the average reader, with a great deal of accuracy, the dialect pronunciation of their writers. The following is a sample from CallerHerrin':
Neebour wives, now tent my tellin
When the bonnie fish ye're sellin',
At ay word be in your dealin. —
Truth will stand when a' thing's failpa
Neebur weifs, noo tent ma tellin.
Hwun dhu boanay fush yee'r sellin
At ay wurd bee in yur dailin —
Truith ull stawnd hwun awthing'z fa ilin.
(Wilson, Dial. Cent. Scol., 162-163.)
Wives, now, my, when, bonnie, fish, dealin', truth, all misrepresent the Sc. word to the eyes of the reader, and dealin' and failin' spoil the rhyme. Read or recited with a pronunciation radically different from that of its author, a poem loses the sensuous effect intended, and therefore a very important artistic element. Sir James Wilson's handling of the common text will at least make everyone realise that, apart from vocabulary, there is a very great difference between written and spoken Scots.
Dialect Literature.
§ 22. There have been, however, many Scots writers. from the early part of the 18th cent. up to the present, who have preferred to write in their own local dialect. They have been forced, in order to represent its peculiarities to outsiders, to spell their words in such a way as to indicate the pronunciation, and have followed, only with less consistency and effectiveness, a method similar to that adopted by Sir James Wilson as described above. We have verv little trace of these dialects prior to 1600, but we must assume their existence from an early date because of their marked differences from the standard form. In the modern period, Robert Forbes gives us, in his Ajax's Speech to the Grecian Knabbs and A Journal to Portsmouth (c.1742), examples of the Buchan dialect. From the same district, at a later period, we have an imitation of Christis Kirk on the Green in John Skinner's Monymusk Christmas Ba'in', and later still W. Alexander's Johnny Gibb of Gushetneuk (1871). More recent examples of similar attempts are 'E Silkie Man by Rev. D. Houston, Lerwick, portraying the Cai. fisher dialect of Canisbay; Mang Howes an Knowes, by the late Elliot Smith, in s.Sc.; Galloway Gossip, by R. Trotter, in sm.Sc.; Dennison's writings in the Ork. and T. Manson's Humours of a Peat Commission in the Sh. dialect. Most Scotsmen whose eyes are accustomed to the spelling of literary Scots find considerable difficulty in reading these specimens of local speech. There are, however, many authors who lie between these two extremes. They wish to address themselves to all Scotsmen and accordingly follow the general literary convention, but every now and again they use a spelling that indicates a local pronunciation, or employ a word or an idiom that betrays their district origin. Their whole atmosphere, all their associations, may be local notwithstanding the general form of their speech. George Macdonald belongs to this type of Scottish author — e.g. he spells who and good as wha and gude, but his own pronunciation would be fa and gweed. Some writers even vary their Scots with their subject or with their supposed
INTRODUCTION
audience — e.g. Charles Murray in Wha draws a Blade is addressing all Scotsmen, and on a dignified subject — therefore he uses the conventional literary dialect. In Fae France he puts the “braidest Buchan” into the mouth of the poacher who becomes a soldier. Sir Walter Scott makes a subtle distinction between the Scots of the town weaver Bailie Nicol Jarvie and that of Rob Roy, his Highland kinsman. Jeanie Deans suits her dialect to her listener, and the Scots of Jonathan Oldbuck is not exactly the same as the speech of Edie Ochiltree and the Mucklebackits.
§ 23. Dialect writers brought to the rest of Scotland some knowledge of the less familiar parts of the country and presented to their compatriots the feelings and thoughts of their inhabitants. They preserved many “couthy” Sc. words, idioms and proverbial sayings t embodying old customs and habits of thought. They helped to keep the conventional literary speech in touch with the real living language of the common folk.
Kinds of Phonetic Change
§ 24. Before describing the phonetic features that distinguish Mod Sc. from Mod.St.Eng., and differentiate the Sc. dialects from one another, a summary account is here given of some of the more important phonetic changes to which all spoken language is subjoct. Phonetic changes to which all language is subject are of two Kinds, Organic and Inorganic. The first is dependent on the condition and movement of the vocal organs, and the second is due to acoustic causes (such as faulty imitation) and to the play of reason upon the brute matter of speech, especially through the mental process called analogy.
Organic Change.
§ 25. There are two kinds of organic change. The first, called Isolative, occurs where ther e is a gradual development from one generation to another, extending sometimes over centuries, and often unnoticed by the speakers of the language or dialect. An Isolative change in any given dialect carries with it the great body of words which have in their initial stage the same accented vowel sound. For instance, in Primitive Old English — i.e. the form of English from which all English dialects, provincial or literary, are derived — the word bān (bone) had the sound of ā as in our Mod.Eng. father. In the North of England and in Scotland at an early period the sound, while still retaining its length, began to approach that of a [a] as in Mod.Eng. (northern standard) pat; then it became [æ] as in Mod.Sth.Eng. pat [pæt], then e [ε] as in Mod.Eng. pet, then [e] as in Mod.Eng. pate. Thus we have our Mod.Sc. bane, stane, with variations in the Scottish dialects. In the Middle and South of England, on the other hand, this Primitive Old English ā sound became deeper and fuller, and at length, by the action of rounding in the lips and in the back-opening of the mouth, developed into a broad o sound [&openo;], so that even before the time of Chaucer bān was pronounced as [b&openo;:n]. The difference between this sound and King Alfred's bān was so marked that Chaucer wrote it always with an o symbol, but in The Reeve's Tale he represented it, in the mouth of the northern students, by the letter a. Examples; na, ham, swa, gas, fra, for no, home, so, goes, from. The other O.E. long vowels, e, i, y, o' underwent similar isolative changes, the process of which we can often imagine or trace, although the cause remains obscure.
§ 26. The second kind of organic change is known as Combinative, because it is due to the influence of adjacent sounds on each other when combined into words, phrases and sentences.
§ 27. The most common kind of Combinative change is called Assimilation, where one sound is made to approach another (1) by becoming breathed or voiced, or (2) by an alteration in (a) manner of formation, or (b) place of formation in the vocal organs. Assimilation may work forwards (progressive) or backwards (regressive).
§ 27.1. Progressive assimilation. — In wadge for wedge, wab for web, the w has turned the front vowel e into a back vowel. In the pronunciation of w the back of the tongue rises and this back position is kept right through the vowel, with the result of a. In some dialects web is pronounced wob. The rounding of the lips necessary for the formation of w is carried forward into the a and produces the rounded vowel o. In the words bacon, taiken (token), when the second vowel is omitted, final n is changed into [ŋ], thus [′bekŋ].
§ 27.2. Regressive assimilation. — E.g. knowe becomes tnowe. n is a point nasal sound and k back plosive. n attracts the k to its own position and makes it the point plosive — i.e. tnow — as in Ags. and e.Per. dialect. So length, strength become Sc. lenth, strenth.
PHONETIC DESCRIPTION OF SCOTTISH LANGUAGE AND DIALECTS
§ 28. Stress — i.e. the relative force of the breath current — plays an important part in the modification of sounds. Assimilation, shortening, dropping of sounds, smoothing of diphthongs all begin in syllables that are losing stress. The following are examples of the play of stress in a sound, a word and a sentence.
§ 28.1. O.E. ā a nd open ă became [i′a] or [′i&schwa;] in s.Sc. — i.e. the single sound is broken up into two. When the stress fell on the first element the second vowel became more feeble = [&schwa;] as in [sti&schwa;n] (sto n e). When it fell on the second vowel the first became weak and eventually became consonantal = y [j]. O.E. ān = one bccame ien, then yen or yin [j&scirtail;n]. So yae = one (adj.), yill = ale, yits = oats, etc. See §§ 97.1, 97.4. O.E. céosan gives rise to Sc. chese (to choose) and ceósan to Eng. choose.
§ 28.2. Sometimes the stress shifts in a word, leading to a change in vowel or consonant — e.g. ′un′cūð became ′uncŭð and then ′unco or ′unca = [′&turnv;ŋk&schwa;]; Eng.po′lice, Sc. ′pollis [p&schwa;′lis, ′pol&sci;s]. So also gutcher (grandfather) for gude′sire, ′cummer (gossip) for com′mère.
§ 28.21. In unaccented position the mid flat vowel [&schwa;] is most commonly used in the body of a word and in prefixes and suffixes. The verbal suffix ing and the participial suffix and have been levelled in most dialects into [&schwa;n] or [In]. The ending ow tends to have a short ay [e] sound in most of the central dialects and in othe r districts an [&schwa;] vowel as in barrow, marrow, etc., [′bare] as against [′bar&schwa;]. So with the enclitic na, as in canna, mauna. Final ie or y has in most parts of m.Sc. [e], elsewhere some variation of i [I, &scirtail; or i]. In n.Sc. and e.Per. final ie or y varies (1) according to the character of the preceding vowel, (2) according to the preceding consonant. In the first case if the stem vowel is ee [i] or ey [&schwa;i, ei] final ie or y tends to become ee [i] — e.g. wheelie, weety (wet), wily.1 Secondly if the preceding consonant is a voiced plosive or fricative — e.g. d or z — the suffix is [i] as body, bosie (bosom).2 The suffixes -like and -rife may have [&schwa;i, ei] or [I], daft-like, waukrife3; -ual becomes [w&schwa;l], as in annual, actual 4; -ful is reduced to fa [f&schwa;] — e.g. waeful5; -ward (direction) appears as wart, art, ert, it, as doonwart, ackart, afiedlert, forrit.6
§ 28.3. Words of small importance in a sentence are slightly stresseed and their elements change in quality — e.g. O.E. ān = one becomes ăn and ă = indef. art., then [&schwa;n and &schwa;]. So his becomes is [&sci;z], then z and s. “That is him” becomes “that's him”, where that and him are both stressed, and “that's im,” where ony that is stressed = [ðats m]. So O.E. on bæc = on back becomes a back = [&schwa;′bak].
§ 29. Quantity is influenced by stress especially in the shortening of vowels in weakly stressed syllables. See § 28.2. Vowel quantity is often dependent on the character of the following consonant(s). In Scots the vowel tends to maximum length in stressed syllables ending in voiced fricatives [v, ð, z] and [r]. At one stage in the history of the language vowels were lengthened before certain voiced consonant combinations — e.g. mb, ld, as in waim, caim (womb, comb), field, chield, and shortened before certain breathed combinatio — e.g. sk, st, as in ask, blast, dust. At another stage O.E. ă, &ebreve;, &obreve;, were lengthened in open 7 position irrespective of adjacent sounds, and subsequently developed in a different direction from the same short vowels in close position. For examples see articles on dialects, §§ 81-166.
§ 29.1. When a word is used in composition its vowel is frequently shortened. O.E. hlāf gives rise to Sc. laif. In its compound hlāfmæsse the a is shortened and we get Lammas, hūswīf becomes Eng. hussif and Sc. hizzy; lickly in n.Sc. for likely results from an early shortening of the original long i [i] sound. In Cai. this shortened vowel is transferred to the original word by a process of analogy — leck for like. Lallan(d)s = Lowlands is another example of this shortening.
Inorganic Change.
§ 30. Organic change is mechanical in character, and if left to itself would produce an embarrassing variety of forms. Reason, playing on these diverse forms, associates words similar in sound, in meaning, and in function, or related in some inflexional system. Remembering the conjugation sing, sang, sung, and arguing from analogy, a child might say bring, brang, brung, or on the analogy love, loved, it might infer brin, bringed. Brang, brung actually occur in the dialects, but such formations have not been ratified by general use. Others, however, have been received — e.g. wear originally formed its pa.t. and pa.p. in ed, but the analogy of tear, tore, torn, bear, bore, born(e) has given us wear, wore, worn. Shae for shoe and shin for shoes may be the regular phonetic forms in a Sc. dialect, but the desire for uniformity of sound in words of the same meaning may give a second plural form, shaen, which ultimately supplants the regular form. Need and necessity are associated in meaning, hence we find such a form as needcessity. A more plausible result of analogical reasoning is the form delicht, which has found some currency in literary Scots on the ground, apparently, that as light gives licht so delight
1 ′&turnw;ili, ′witi, ′w&schwa;ili.
2 ′b&openo;di, ′bo:zi.
3 ′daftl&schwa;ik or -l&scirtail;k, ′w&oh.kr&schwa;if or -r&scirtail;f.
4 ′anw&schwa;l, ′ak(t)w&schwa;l.
5 ′we:f&schwa;.
6 ′dunw&schwa;rt, ′ak&schwa;rt, &schwa;′fidl&schwa;rt, ′f&openo;r&sci;t.
7 A syllable is said to be closed or close when it ends with a consonant, as fat, harvest. It is open when it ends with a vowel, as la = dy, low.
b
INTRODUCTION
should give delicht. Delight, however, is a mis-spelling for delite, as the word never had a guttural sound in it. Some modern writers of Sc. who have no real knowledge or feeling for any Sc. dialect coin false Sc. words by such analogical reasoning — e.g. as lord gives laird, so accord should give accaird,1 as home gives hame so roam should give raim 1; as knee and knife had originally a sounded k, so also must nowt (cattle), hence we find knowte 2 written though the original word, Scand. naut, never had this sound.
Phonetic Method of Comparison of Languages and Dialects.
§ 31. Languages and dialects may be compared in regard to pronunciation, grammar, idiom, vocabulary and intonation. Here we confine our attention to pronunciation, as being the distinction that most people notice first in varieties of their own speech, whether standard or dialect. Take for instance a sentence such as this: “Who whipped the poor little whelp that stood between you and me near that old stone dike?” In St.Sc. it might be written: “Wha whuppit that puir wee whalp at stude atween you an' me near the aul(d) stane dyke?” Whae, pair, stid, auld, stane, would indicate a Lothian Scottish speaker, but whaw, puir, stude, a Fif. or Perthshire man; yow and mey, stee'n, a Rxb. and e.Dmf. speaker; fa for who can be heard along the coast from the mouth of the Tay to the Pentland Firth; fuppit for whipt and folpie for whelp have their southern limit just south of the Dee; ssteen for stone is heard along the coast from the Tay to the Spev; puir becomes peer along the coast between the Dee and the Spey, but is pronounced with the diphthong of fewer in the Lowlands situated between the Spey and the Pentland Firth; it takes the sound of the Fr. eu [ø,æ] in Fif., Per., Ags. and the Mearns, Gall. and s.Sc., Ork. and Sh. In the insular area that, adj., and the are pronounced dat and de. In the following pages we shall give the principal phonetic differences between Sc. generally and St.Eng. and note a few of the differences between the various dialects, in both cases using O.E.3 — their common ancestor — as a background of comparison, with a few illustrations drawn from other languages, more especially Norse and Fr.
Phonetic Comparison between Mod.Sc. and Mod.St.Eng.
§ 32. Words with ā in O.E.
The following belong to a class of words which have ā in O.E. (pronounced like a in Mod.Eng. father) in their accented syllable. In Middle Sc. the representative of the sound is written variously ai, ay, a + cons. +e, æ, a, aa. In Mod.Sc. the vowel is pronounced as a in fate [e]; in Mod.Eng. it is spelled generally o' oa, o + cons. + e.
§ 32.1
O.E.Mod.Sc.Mod.Eng.
ācaikoak
āteaitoat
brādbraidbroad
drāfdravedrove
hāmhamehome
lādladeload
lāelameloam
rāperaperope
sāpesaipsoap
tādtaidtoad
hālhalewhole
§ 32.2
O.E.Mod.Sc.Mod.Eng.
gā(n)gaego
māmaemoe (obs.)
nānaeno
wāwaewoe
§ 32.3
O.E.Mod.Sc.Mod.Eng.
ārair (obsol.)oar
hāshairse, hairschhoarse
māramair